Aspects of Latino Distinctiveness

The language barrier between natural born Americans and the typical Latino population is formidable. America values the English language, and many Latino immigrants know Spanish as their primary, or only, language. An unknown author said, “If you can speak three languages you’re trilingual. If you can speak two languages you’re bilingual. If you can speak only one language you’re an American” (Guillemets, 2006). Unfortunately, the dominant culture holds English as the “best” language and often treats other dialects as inferior. First, even though some Latinos are very light-skinned and could hide their ethnicity in presentation by passing; if their accent is strong or English is weak, they will reveal their cultural identity regardless if attempting to or not. Second, many American businesses do not have bilingual representatives, which causes great difficulty for Latino customers. Another problem is few school systems have teachers that are fluent in both English and Spanish. If a child is raised to speak Spanish at home and in the community, but then expected to learn English quickly, especially through indirect means, the assimilation can prove very challenging. Most students are required to test in English, regardless of the subject. For children unable to have a full understanding of the English language, many will fail regardless of how intelligent they may be. These children are often put in the special education programs (Sue and Sue, 2003) which will hamper their educational growth because the problem is not intelligence, it is the language barrier. English has often been called one of the most difficult languages to master. Gustav White says, “Our language is funny – a fat chance and slim chance are the same thing” (Guillemets, 2006).

Some aspects of the Latino population’s language can actually supply a form of resilience for the group. For instance, many employers are looking for Spanish speaking individuals. The Hispanic population now comprises the largest minority group in America; five years ago there were thirty-six million counted Latinos. (Sue and Sue, 2003). If someone is bilingual, their chance of getting a job greatly increases (Hollister, 2002). Also, Spanish speaking individuals have a common bond with other Spanish speaking Latinos. This bond and familiar language helps keep a piece of their culture alive, the parts that “are worth keeping” (Espin, 2006). Some Latinos do this by deliberately flaming or, in this case, talking in Spanish so outside individuals will know what group they are part of (Rosenblum & Travis, 2006).

Providing counseling to the Latino population, especially older or recent immigrants, can prove very difficult. For one, the meaning of words is extremely important in the counseling process. The only way a psychological service can be helpful is if the two individuals, the counselor and the client, are able to successfully communicate through written or spoken words. Even during the initial intake, a bilingual individual could score differently on the English and Spanish exam (Sue and Sue, 2003). During translation, whether by an interpreter or the client whose primary language is not English, wording and sentence structure is often misconstrued as meaning something entirely unlike what is said (2003). Many words and phrases, though interpretable, have a special meaning for different countries and groups of people. I found a quote by Antonio Prochia, which was translated from Spanish, to sum up the differences in word interpretation: “What words say does not last. The words last. Because words are always the same, and what they say is never the same” (Guillemets, 2006).

References:

Gonsiorek, J. (2006). Interview with Dr. Oliva Espin: Latino/Latina Communities. Retrieved July 30, 2006 from Capella University.

Guillemets, Terry. (2006). The Quote Garden. Retrieved August 2, 2006 from http://www.quotegarden.com/language.html.

Hollister, Julia. (2002). A Way with Words: Bilingual applicants enjoy a pronounced advantage in the job market. California Job Journal. Retrieved August 2, 2006 from http://www.jobjournal.com/article_printer.asp?artid=654.

Rosenblum, K. E., & Travis, T. M. (2006). The meaning of difference: American constructions of race, sex and gender, social class, and sexual orientation (4th Ed.) New York: McGraw-Hill.

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Mexican American immigrants vs. Non-Latino immigrants

“Much of what we now consider to be problems concerning immigration and assimilation really concern Mexican immigration and assimilation” (Huntingdon, 2000). Contiguity is one of the biggest factors in this. Unlike other immigrants, Mexicans can easily cross the border without high costs and extreme risk. In the same regard, they can return home just as easily to visit with friends and family (2000). Much of Mexican migration is viewed as temporary: “A low-skilled, low-educated migration widely thought to locate in the U.S. only temporarily understandably retards assimilation” (Fonte, Carens, and Krikorian, 2000). Much of this has to do with illegality.

Illegality is another substantial difference from other immigrant groups. Sue and Sue (2003) estimate there to be seven million illegal Mexican immigrants who, consequently, are part of the bottom rung of the labor pool and rarely see doctors. Nine years ago, it was estimated that Mexican immigrants accounted for 54% of all illegal aliens- nine times greater than the next largest group. The Border Patrol stops over one million individuals crossing the Mexican border illegally every year (Huntingdon, 2000).

Also, the concentration of Mexican immigrants is much greater in the Southwest, mostly in Southern California. One writer said, “No school system in a major U.S. city has ever experienced such a large influx of students from a single foreign country. The schools of Los Angeles are becoming Mexican” (Huntingdon, 2000). Other immigrant groups have a diverse migration spreading over New Jersey, New York, Florida, Illinois, etc. (Fonte, Carens, and Krikorian, 2000).

One similarity is consistent among immigrant groups. Manuel Garcia y Griego declares Mexican immigrants are comparable to European immigrants in “their motivation for migration and in their aspirations for life in the United Status” (Fonte, Carens, and Krikorian, 2000). I believe 99% of immigrants have a similar goal in mind: To live the “American dream”. Unfortunately this dream, especially for Mexican immigrants, can turn into more of a nightmare when poverty, health concerns, and racism all play a part in the life of an immigrant.

References:

Camarota, Steven A. (2001). Immigration from Mexico: Assessing the Impact of the United States. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/articles/2001/mexico.toc.html

Fonte, John, Carens, Joseph, and Krikorian, Mark. (2000). Are Mexicans a Special Case? Cantigny Conference Series, Wheaton, IL. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/articles/cantigny/proceedings.html#III

Huntington, Samuel (2000). Reconsidering Immigration: Is Mexico a Special Case?. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/artickles/2000/back1100.html

Kaiser Family Foundation. (2005). Mexican Immigrants’ Health Status Worsens After Living in U.S., Study Finds. Daily Health Policy Report. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?hint=3&DR_ID=33115

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Mexican American immigrants vs. U.S. born Mexican Americans

 

While native born or second and third generation Mexican immigrants seem to fare far better than recent immigrants, they are still on the low-end of the totem pole in many respects. For instance, over two-thirds of recent Mexican immigrants and almost half of “long-term immigrants” do not have health insurance, while only a fifth of Mexican-born Americans are without (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2005). While it is encouraging that native Mexican Americans are almost twice as likely to have health insurance, they still have are half as likely to have insurance as Caucasians (2005).

As far as education goes, second and third generation Mexicans have a much greater success rate in completing high school than Mexican immigrants, but they still have a significantly increased drop-out rate compared to other natives (Camarota, 2006). Unfortunately, positive progress does not seem to be on the rise, and the number of Mexican college graduates is minimal. Second-generation Mexican Americans are about 4% less likely than immigrants to use welfare, but the comparison of third generation and native Mexicans is very similar; and once again, the progress being made is nominal (2006). A researcher stated, “Differences in skills and labor market outcomes may persist across generations and need never converge” (2006). One significant similarity between native born Mexicans and immigrants is their values and political philosophies. Positions on abortion and even immigration controls are similar and Garcia y Griego states, “Mexican-Americans, in some significant ways, mirror the native-born population (Fonte, Carens, and Krikorian, 2000).
References:

Camarota, Steven A. (2001). Immigration from Mexico: Assessing the Impact of the United States. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/articles/2001/mexico.toc.html

Fonte, John, Carens, Joseph, and Krikorian, Mark. (2000). Are Mexicans a Special Case? Cantigny Conference Series, Wheaton, IL. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/articles/cantigny/proceedings.html#III

Huntington, Samuel (2000). Reconsidering Immigration: Is Mexico a Special Case?. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/artickles/2000/back1100.html

Kaiser Family Foundation. (2005). Mexican Immigrants’ Health Status Worsens After Living in U.S., Study Finds. Daily Health Policy Report. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?hint=3&DR_ID=33115

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Difficulties faced by Mexican American Immigrants

Mexican Immigrants, who compose two-thirds of Hispanic immigrants (Huntingdon, 2000), face many challenges while living in the United States. Two-thirds have not finished high school, accounting for 22% of all high school dropouts in the work force (CIS, 2001). Along with this low education come low wages, poverty, and welfare. Mexican immigrants account for one out of ten individuals in poverty and one out of twelve without insurance. Thirty-four percent of Mexican immigrant households with a legal alien head are on welfare, along with twenty-five percent of households with an illegal alien head (2001). Unfortunately, even Mexican immigrants living here for more than twenty years share like statistics.

Most immigrants come to this country healthier than Americans, but this soon changes on arrival. Around seven percent of Mexican immigrants living in the United States less than ten years have fair or poor health (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2006). After living in the United States for more than fifteen years, this figure increases to fifteen percent. “It is unknown…if worsening health status is a result of years of difficult labor and poverty, changing health behaviors like diet and smoking or insufficient preventive medical care” (2006). Poor physical health brings about poor mental health in many cases, increasing the need of multicultural psychologists.

In addition, even though wage statistics are grim, many unskilled American workers feel threatened by Mexican laborers. Over ten million native born Americans without a high school diploma face noteworthy job competition from Mexican immigrants and this competition reduces wages for individuals without a degree by five percent (CIS, 2001). Fierce job competition brings about opposition by American workers. This opposition may often lead to hate crimes and job sabotaging.

Poverty, lack of education, health decline, and racism; along with other factors not mentioned, such as language barriers, sex role expectations, and differing values, are only a few of the conflicts Mexican Americans run into during the assimilation process. This process can leave Mexican immigrants depressed, scared, angry, lonely, and confused. Many immigrants probably wonder if they should have come after all. When combining the psychological problems with therapy challenges and a reluctance of seeking help, it only makes sense that immigrants have a higher percentage of mental tribulations (Sue and Sue, 2003).
 References:

Camarota, Steven A. (2001). Immigration from Mexico: Assessing the Impact of the United States. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/articles/2001/mexico.toc.html

Fonte, John, Carens, Joseph, and Krikorian, Mark. (2000). Are Mexicans a Special Case? Cantigny Conference Series, Wheaton, IL. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/articles/cantigny/proceedings.html#III

Huntington, Samuel (2000). Reconsidering Immigration: Is Mexico a Special Case?. Center for Immigration Studies. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.cis.org/artickles/2000/back1100.html

Kaiser Family Foundation. (2005). Mexican Immigrants’ Health Status Worsens After Living in U.S., Study Finds. Daily Health Policy Report. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?hint=3&DR_ID=33115

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Filipino Americans: Family vs. Individual

Filipino Americans, the second largest Asian group in America, hold family as a high priority in their daily lives (McBride, n.d.); therefore, one cultural feature is that of strong interdependence and togetherness. Traditional Filipino families consider the family elders to be of great importance, and the younger members are taught that caring for the elders is their responsibility (McBride). “It is always relational, hierarchical, and given this group of communal culture, the word ‘independence’ really makes little sense. Interdependence is more of the optimal cultural expectation and value”. Though every culture is different, the emphasis is on the family in the majority of Asian cultures (Gonsiorek, 2006).

“Many contemporary Filipino American families continue to function in a complex process of a natural support system of reciprocity within interdependent/dependent relationships based on extended family membership, group harmony and loyalty, respect for elders and authority, and kinship that goes beyond strong biological connections” (McBride). Because of the strong family ties most traditional Filipino families hold, counseling in the Western world can be very difficult and unsuccessful. To begin with, counseling in the United States focuses greatly on independence and individualism; whereas most Asian cultures, including the Filipinos, have a group and family orientation (Sue and Sue, 2003). To make things even more difficult, one must determine the depth of assimilation, family experiences, etc. before making an assumption this is true. Even a family that has been in the United States for many generations may have passed on their traditional Filipino values from generation to generation (McBride).

Often, not only is family of more importance in Filipino culture, but also the structure is very different. Many families are multigenerational and members of the family are responsible for making decisions for the elders, as well doing everything in their power to fix the problem before seeking formal medical care (McBride). There is a general wariness in the Filipino culture towards “external forces” and adult members in the household may impede professional treatment because they are trying to protect their elders. When Filipinos choose to immigrant at an older age, they often do not speak English well and are unable to easily adapt to modern technology. Adult children are expected to fulfill these roles for the elder (McBride). A counselor can not automatically assume these things to be true of a Filipino individual though, because elders very acculturated to US customs may make their own appointments. This alone is one of the difficulties of multicultural counseling- trying to determine if an individual’s values are similar to the dominant culture or towards their group’s traditional culture.

When counseling Filipino families, I would have to ensure I respected the hierarchy of the family. I would need to greet the oldest family member first. Most often individuals are designated as the decision makers for an elder, or the family makes a decision as a whole. I would need to ask questions such as, “Who should I talk to who can help with making decisions about your treatment in the future?” (McBride); rather than putting the responsibility of treatment on the client in need.

Also, addressing a Filipino member by their first name may be viewed as derogatory, especially if the age difference is much greater for the Filipino (McBride). Talking about my own children or family could put the Filipinos at ease. Asking the younger member if an elder needed an interpreter or automatically providing one could be viewed an as insult. Many Filipino elders are very proud of their ability to speak English. In addition, keeping eye contact, using discretion involving touch, and using a firm handshake are all additional ways to form a good relationship with the Filipino client (McBride).

There are many ways in which the traditional Filipino culture differs from Western culture. Counselors must be aware of these potential differences. Though difficult, this is the only way to keep the client coming back. One the most important things to remember and focus on is the family structure. Learning to counsel an entire family opposed to an individual can be challenging, but Western counselors must learn to respect the core Filipino value kapwa, or “shared identity, interacting on an equal basis with a fellow human being” (McBride).

Gonsiorek, John. (2006). Interview with Dr. Gock. Asian Pacific Communities. Retrieved on August 6, 2006, from http://courseroom.capella.edu

McBride, Melen. (n.d.). Health and Health Care of Filipino American Elders. Standford Geriatric Education Center. Stanford University School of Medicine. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http:// www.stanford.edu/group/ethnoger/filipino.html

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Zen Shiatsu

Shiatsu was originally an oriental treatment used as a preventive health care method by the Chinese. In ancient China, doctors only charged for the preventive health measures; once someone was sick, the treatment was free (Visser, n.d.). Now the Japanese have adapted Shiatsu to fit their culture, and Zen Shiatsu is one of six different styles (Prescott, 2006). The easiest way to describe Zen Shiatsu is “massage therapy”, but it is much different than the every day American massage.

Shiatsu is used to heal a variety of problems ranging from the physical to the mental to preventive care. It serves as a diagnostic and therapy tool in one. Shiatsu was recognized by the Japanese government around the 1960s as an official medical procedure (Dharmananda, 2002). Zen Shiatsu was actually created by a psychology professor at Toyko University, Shizuto Masunaga, who was brought up in a family of Shiatsu practitioners. This special branch of Shiatsu incorporates Zen, which is one of the sects of Buddhism involving exercising the mind through meditation (Dharmananda).

Zen Shiatsu focuses on chi and meridians. Chi in the Asian culture is known as “the power to live”, and a lack of chi is the reason for sickness or even death. Twelve meridians, or the channels of chi, flow through the body and correspond with specific organs (Visser, n.d.). The therapist searches for ‘kyo’, or meridians with too much energy [chi], and ‘jitsu’, or meridians with the least chi. Since the ultimate goal is to achieve a state of balance, which is looked upon highly in Asian culture, both the kyo and the jitsu have to be worked out (Prescott, 2006). Where Western psychologists normally utilize a “diagnose and then treat” methodology, a Zen Shiatsu therapist diagnoses and treats many times throughout a session. In addition, rather than looking for a disease with certain symptoms, the goal is to reach a state of balance, as mentioned above (Prescott).

To help the client reach the aforementioned state of balance, the therapist must be in a relaxed meditative state. The practitioner must be skilled at detecting the source of problems, and the body’s responses to treatment (Prescott). Clients ideally lay on a mat on the floor and wear light clothing. Therapists do not use oils or lotions because rather than sliding up and down or in a circular motion, pressure is applied to the entire body on the meridians (Dharmananda, 2002). Abdominal palpation is the primary diagnosis method to determine whether meridians are kyo or jitsu. After the initial diagnosis, intense pressure is applied to the meridians by the hands, elbows, or other parts of the practitioner’s body. Moving the client is common in order to gain better access to certain meridians or to apply enough pressure to certain areas (Dharmananda). The entire process is then repeated until the meridians seem to be in balance.

This technique is supposed to “jump-start” the body’s natural healing powers by calming the autonomic nervous system. Also, Zen Shiatsu improves circulation which, in turn, fortifies muscle tone and organ functioning. Some even believe it strengthens the immune system. Whether one has neck pain, insomnia, fatigue, etc., the treatment in Japan is Zen Shiatsu (Dharmananda, 2002).

Many Americans use massage therapy or chiropractors for stress or physical pain relief. While Zen Shiatsu is a much deeper form of therapy and the results are deemed to be very different, the physical aspect of the treatment is somewhat similar. There are several schools in the United States that teach Shiatsu. Some counselors are now recommending like methods of alternative medicine, such as acupuncture. Even though the majority of Western counselors may not believe in all the benefits of Shiatsu, this form of therapy is not as abnormal [in terms of western values] as some.

References:

Dharmananda, Subhuti. (2002). Zen Shiatsu: The Legacy of Shizuto Masunaga. Institute for Traditional Medicine. Retrieved August 9, 2006 from http://www.itmonline.org/arts/shiatsu.htm

Prescott, Rebecca. (2006). Zen Shiatsu and The Art of Healing. Retrieved August 9, 2006 from http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/3-21-2006-91551.asp

Visser, Rian. (n.d.). Shiatsu: Japanese massage. Retrieved August 9, 2006 from http://www.rianvisser.nl/shiatsu/e_watis.htm

Diabetes Prevention Strategy

It is estimated that only ten percent of the original Native American population was alive by the eighteenth century (Sue and Sue, 2003). Much of this was due to disease. After being placed on reservations, the rate of obesity and diabetes rose drastically due to their sedentary lifestyle (Sue and Sue). A counselor can help an individual combat the physical aspects that lead to obesity and diabetes by establishing an informative and positive counseling method with the client. The outline Sue and Sue created for drug and alcohol counseling can be modified to create a successful diabetes prevention strategy.

To begin with, the first step in preventing diabetes is through knowledge. After finding out more information from my client, I would inform my clients what effects non-activity, unhealthy eating, and heavy alcohol use can have on the body. I could provide my clients with free literature from The Diabetes Association, or suggest other reference materials. I would also make my clients aware of the complications of diabetes, such as loss of eyesight, heart disease, or even kidney failure.

After making my clients aware of the causes and dangers of diabetes, I might refer my clients to a dietician if necessary. The clients would then be able to learn what to eat and what not to eat, as well as how much exercise is needed. The dietician could provide healthy tips such as choosing how to say “no” to certain foods, and how to determine how to eat balanced meals. If one is not aware of what foods are healthy and how blood sugar is controlled, he or she will not have the knowledge to make smart food choices.

Changing diet is not easy. I, myself, take a diabetic medication called metformin. Though offering personal opinions and thoughts is often frowned against in the mental health profession, I could share some of the ways I coped with changing my diet. Small tips such as avoiding the candy aisle and finding alternative solutions to unhealthy foods could help the client realize eating a healthy diet can still be enjoyable.

I believe one of the best ways of enforcing diabetes prevention, especially in native populations or other family-centered cultures, would be to bring the whole family into the counseling process. If the entire family is educated, each member can use positive reinforcement (Sue and Sue) to encourage one another. It is much easier for one to stick to a diet plan, or even for a smoker to quit, if the people around that person support him or her.

Making diabetes prevention one aspect of family “togetherness” could be looked on favorably by family-centered individuals. Along with diet, the family could schedule a time each week (or each day, as time permits) to do some kind of physical activity together. A counselor could present this strategy as a time to bond, while strengthening the body and soul.

For clients with a more individual identity, encouraging the buddy system could be productive. Some favorable suggestions would be to join a support group, utilize a health club, or become a member of a sports team. Any kind of positive support is healthy.

Most of all, I would try to emphasize a healthy lifestyle is doable and preventing diabetes is much easier than trying to manage diabetes itself. Providing resources, helping the client or family to set goals, and encouraging a positive social network would be strategies I would employ in a diabetic prevention program.

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Multiracial Identity: African-Native Americans

Rosenblum and Travis (2006) state, “In day-to-day living, however, race is often used as a clear-cut unambiguous way of categorizing human beings. Those of us who do not come from or live in single-race families must daily negotiate a racialized and racist system that demands we fit ourselves into prescribed categories”. It is difficult enough to be part of a stigmatized race in the United States. Add two stigmatized races together and the difficulty only increases. Being a biracial individual of African American and Native American (A.N.A. will be used for short) genetics poses challenges with the dominant culture, as well as individuals of his or her own heritage.

As mentioned above, both African Americans and Native Americans are stigmatized groups with a great history of struggle. An A.N.A. might feel pain from the history of slavery, as well as the government’s betrayal. Either way, this individual may have issues with trusting an individual of the White, dominant culture. “…American Indians [are] very suspicious of the motives of the majority culture, and most of them do not expect to be treated fairly” (Sue and Sue, 2003). The same is true for many African Americans.

For the first time in census history, an individual was able to mark more than one race on the 2000 survey (Rosenblum and Travis, 2006). Even so, there was no category entitled “multi-racial” and our society continues to expect an individual to “name a race”. Stating an answer of “biracial” when questioned about one’s race is not enough. An A.N.A. individual could face an internal battle about his or her race. To begin with, the “one-drop rule” would classify an A.N.A. as black; yet in most tribes or states, a Native American is classified as one who has at least half or a quarter of Native American blood. In Virginia, the answer is an A.N.A. who is at least one-fourth Native American and less than one-sixteenth African American is deemed Indian while on the reservation and black otherwise (2006). Dealing with this classification system can be very damaging for adolescents or adults. An A.N.A. who grew up in a reservation may have been classified as Native American his or her entire life; and then on departure, he or she is expected to consider himself or herself African American.

Often, multiracial individuals tend to claim one race because, “People of mixed heritage are often ignored, neglected, and considered nonexistent in our educational materials, media portrayals, and psychological literature” (Sue and Sue, 2003). Many biracial children feel guilty when only identifying one race because they love and respect both parents. Other children may suffer from being raised as monoracial in the household, but viewed as biracial (or of the other race) from outsiders. In addition, children often feel little support from their parents because the parents can not understand the difficulties their children face (2003).

Also, the majority is not the only group to deem multiracial individuals as inferior; this concept especially hold true for the Native American population. “There is…[a] principle about which the whites and the Indians are in agreement….People with more Indian blood…also have more rights to inherit what their ancestors, the former Indians, have left behind. In addition, full blood Indians are more authentic than half-breeds. By being pure, they have more right to respect. They are in all aspects of their being, more integral” (Rosenblum and Travis, 2006).

Many Native Americans are unaccepting of individuals who do not look the part. Being too light or too dark is often a factor for discrimination in the Indian population. One individual states “As Indian people, we do want to have Indian people that look like they’re Indian to represent us”. One Hopi respondent said an individual who was too dark (or too light) could not participate in certain ceremonies (2006). The feeling of many Native Americans is presented by Rosenblum and Travis in this quote: “Us Indians, whenever we see someone else who is saying that they’re Indian…or trying to be around us Indians, and act like us, and they don’t look like they’re Indian and we know that they’re not as much Indian as we are…”

Being black, of Indian descent, or even multiracial brings up many stereotypical images. First, both groups have been characterized as “childlike and savagely brutal” (Rosenblum and Travis, 2006). Rates of unemployment, educational difficulties, and out of wedlock births are much higher than the national average for blacks and Indians. Both groups have been viewed as inferior throughout history, and many whites view individuals of these minorities as requesting handouts and using affirmative action campaigns in a negative manner. Multiracial individuals are viewed as half-breeds and “‘Half-breeds’ by this logic could be expected to behave in ‘half-civilized,’ ie., partially assimilated, ways while retaining one half of their traditional culture, accounting for their marginal status in both societies” (2006).

As detailed above, African American or Native American must deal with the horrors of their group’s past, being part of a stigmatized group, and having less opportunity than their white counterparts. Being a member of both races only adds to the internal and external turmoil. Trying to decide whether to claim one race or two, and if one- which race to pick; as well as being viewed as “less human” by both the majority and minority groups can be disheartening. “Proponents have argued that it is unfair to force one identity on multiracial people, that it creates alienation and identity confusions, that it denies racial realities, that there should be pride in being multiracial…Custom, history and prejudices, however, continue to affect perceptions regarding a singular racial identity” (Sue and Sue, 2003).

References:

Rosenblum, K. E., & Travis, T. M. (2006). The meaning of difference: American constructions of race, sex and gender, social class, and sexual orientation (4th Ed.) New York: McGraw-Hill.

Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Guidelines for Counseling the Elderly

Psychological Guidelines to be followed by all therapists when counseling the elderly:

1. Do not assume the individual is mentally incompetent because of his or her age.

2. Do not look at the individual as a “stereotypical grandmother or grandfather”.

To begin with, many individuals assume an elder to be of “lesser mind” or senile. Though memory may decline somewhat with age, individuals with dementia are in the minority rather than the majority (Sue and Sue, 2003). Elderly individuals are often the best teachers because their life experiences and knowledge succeeds younger individuals. Automatically assuming a client is mentally slower or weak-minded will not only offend a client, but also keep a rapport from being established. Without a rapport, therapy will likely be useless.

Secondly, expecting an elderly client to follow the “typical” role of grandmother or grandmother is not only naïve, it is downright ludicrous. Not all elderly people go to bed at eight or have strict morals. They are individuals formed by their individual experiences. Take, for example, a past neighbor I had. The woman was in her 70s, but rarely stayed in her apartment. She most often stayed across the street with an elderly man. I will admit I was a bit shocked at first when seeing two elderly, unmarried individuals “shacking up”. My mother always told me, “Just because you get older doesn’t mean your desires change.” A therapist must keep an open mind when counseling the elderly. Sexual desire and drug and alcohol addiction is not isolated to those of a young age (Sue and Sue, 2003).

The study of elder status in the Filipino culture has many aspects that can be integrated into service guidelines for all elders. One problem Filipino elders often experience is elder abuse. “Among intergenerational Filipino households, some elders’ access to screening services may be facilitated, delayed, or rejected by adult family members who feel an obligation to protect their elders from external forces” (McBride, n.d.). In addition, family members are often uninformed of resource availability and feel caring for family members is their responsibility. While this abuse may be indirect, some elders may need professional care and have no access to it. Filipino elders often seek professional help when all other options have been exhausted and their situation is dire (McBride). “Over 2 million older Americans are victims of psychological or physical abuse and neglect” (Sue and Sue, 2003). Counselors should watch for signs of elder neglect by asking questions about housing stability, medical health, etc.

Another thing to look for in Filipino elders is situational depression. Negative stigmatism, limited financial resources, and other factors associated with immigration may cause Filipino elders situational depression. On the same note, stigmatism, financial difficulties, and health problems are more prevalent in the elderly society as a whole (Sue and Sue, 2003). All of these factors contribute to depression caused by trying circumstances. Considering even members of the dominant society, particularly white males over 85, are six times as likely to commit suicide as the general population (Sue and Sue), depression and suicidality assessment should be of the utmost importance for the majority and minority alike.

There are certain general guidelines to be followed when counseling Filipino elders. To begin with, using the terms Miss, Mr., or Mrs. will show respect, while addressing a Filipino elder by their first name will do the opposite (McBride). Another guideline that is important is to address the elder first (if with family members), while using eye contact, smiling, and a giving a firm handshake. Also, sharing stories about your own family or making small talk will often put a Filipino elder at ease (McBride). I believe all of these techniques could be easily and successfully incorporated into an elder’s therapy program. The old saying “always show respect to your elders” is a good one to remember, especially when the age gap is substantial.

Counseling elders can be a learning process, but with an open mind, a very enjoyable one. The avoidance of stereotyping elders as senile and the “grandmother or grandfather” type is essential. Learning from the Filipino culture and integrating some core concepts pertaining to their elder therapy can be helpful. Also, checking for things such as elder abuse and situational depression are imperative.

References:

McBride, Melen. (n.d.). Health and Health Care of Filipino American Elders. Standford Geriatric Education Center. Stanford University School of Medicine. Retrieved August 5, 2006 from http:// www.stanford.edu/group/ethnoger/filipino.html
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Sue, D.W. & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the Culturally Diverse Theory and Practice (4th Ed.). NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.